Özcan, Gencer, “The JDP’s Changing Discursive Strategies towards Israel: Rhetoric vs. Reality”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Volume 15, No. 57, 2018, pp. 19-32.
*The research on which this chapter was based was supported by The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey - TÜBİTAK 1001 Project (Project No.:112K172).
Proje kapsamında lisansüstü öğrencilerimizin yayınlamış olduğu proje destekli makalelere buradan ulaşabilirsiniz...
Proje ekibimizden Zehra Gürsoy Mahdy TÜRKİYE VE YUNANİSTAN ARASINDAKİ KRİZLERDE LİDER ALGILAMALARI başlıklı doktora tezini 24 Şubat 2021 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen savunma toplantısında sundu. Dr. Zehra Gürsoy Mahdy'nin doktora tezi jüri üyelerimiz tarafından değerlendirildi ve oybirliği ile başarılı bulundu.
Dr. Zehra Gürsoy Mahdy'e akademik başarılarının sürmesi dileğiyle projemize katkıları için teşekkür ederiz.
Doktora tez izleme ve savunma jürisinde yer alarak değerli görüşlerini ve desteklerini bizlerle paylaşan öğretim üyelerimize içtenlikle teşekkür ederiz.
Dr. Zehra Gürsoy Mahdy'nin "TÜRKİYE VE YUNANİSTAN ARASINDAKİ KRİZLERDE LİDER ALGILAMALARI " başlıklı doktora tezi “Türkiye’de Dış Politika Krizlerinde Karar Verme ve Kriz Yönetimi Süreç Analizi” başlıklı TÜBİTAK 1001 Projesi (Proje No: 112K172) tarafından desteklenmiştir.
Projemizin desteklemiş olduğu doktora tezlerinden biri daha başarıyla tamamlandı. Mehmet Turan Çağlar'ın hazırlamış olduğu "Yerelden Uluslararası Düzlemlere Suriye Krizinin Dönüşümü" başlıklı doktora tezi 7 Ekim 2019 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen tez savunma toplantısında jüri üyelerimiz tarafından değerlendirilerek başarılı bulundu. Mehmet Turan Çağlar hazırladığı tezle PhD ünvanına layık görüldü.
Dr. Mehmet Turan Çağlar'ı başarısından dolayı kutlar, projemize katkısından dolayı teşekkür ederiz.
Tez hazırlık sürecinde ve jüride görev alan değerli hocalarımızın katkıları için de ayrıca teşekkür ederiz.
Dr. Mehmet Turan Çağlar'ın "Yerelden Uluslararası Düzlemlere Suriye Krizinin Dönüşümü" başlıklı doktora tezi “Türkiye’de Dış Politika Krizlerinde Karar Verme ve Kriz Yönetimi Süreç Analizi” başlıklı TÜBİTAK 1001 Projesi (Proje No: 112K172) tarafından desteklenmiştir.
Mehmet Turan Çağlar, "Yerelden Uluslararası Düzlemlere Suriye Krizinin Dönüşümü", Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Doktora Tezi, 2019.
Bu makale TÜBİTAK 1001 Projesi (Proje No.: 112K172) Desteğiyle Hazırlanmıştır.
*Bu makale TÜBİTAK 1001 Projesi (Proje No.: 112K172) Desteğiyle Hazırlanmıştır.
Fuat Aksu and Helin Sarı Ertem
Considering the currently marked rise that takes place both in the number and variety of actors the international community is made up of, a decision on an important matter is made almost at any moment by those in charge who have the authority to make decisions in the name the of state. For the sake of making the best possible decision for the country’s interests, the political decision-maker should often take multiple options and possibilities into consideration. In a democratic state, a decision made by a political decision-maker is supposed to have a political consequence. Therefore, with the decision that he/she makes, the political decision-maker shapes his/her political fate as well.
Cite: Aydın Şıhmantepe, "An Integrated Model Proposal for Analysing Turkish Foreign Policy Crises", in Analyzing Foreign Policy Crises in Turkey: Conceptual, Theoretical and Practical Discussions, Fuat Aksu and Helin Sarı Ertem (Eds.), (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017): 17-37.
Introduction
This chapter is based on a research project aiming to collect, classify, and further to analyze Turkish Foreign Policy Crises (TFPC) during the Republican era. The three-year long research project was supported by the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK). The scope of the project was set to accommodate the existing knowledge on the Turkish foreign policy crises, classifying them in accordance with the theoretical framework chosen and analyzing them within the aspect of foreign policy analysis. One other goal throughout the project was to lead discussions with scholars and subject matter specialists through national/international panels and conferences to share, discuss and disseminate the gathered knowledge. The project team has set up an official project website[1], where the accumulated information, lists of TFPC, findings on each specific crisis, crises analysis tables as well as a list of references are presented to users. The website has also a forum section to enable online exchange of information and lead discussions on the selected topics.
Cite: Ayşe Küçük, "Non-State Actors in Turkish Foreign Policy Crises", in Analyzing Foreign Policy Crises in Turkey: Conceptual, Theoretical and Practical Discussions, Fuat Aksu and Helin Sarı Ertem (Eds.), (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017): 199-223.
Non-State Actors in Turkish Foreign Policy Crises*
Ayşe Küçük
Introduction
In international relations there are a few cases where the actions of non-state actors resulted in a foreign policy crisis.[1] Therefore, we have a limited number of crises where non-state actors became involved. However, the current bid of non-state actors to increase their impact and strength does not only result in a foreign policy crisis in which they become involved, but also sets the stage for them to become direct interlocut ors in these foreign policy crises. The Turkish Foreign Policy Crises (TFPC) Project fixed nine foreign policy crises in the history of Turkish foreign policy, where non-state actors had a particular impact.[2]
Cite: Ümran Gürses, "Neoclassical Realism, the Limits of Analysis and International Relations Theory", in Analyzing Foreign Policy Crises in Turkey: Conceptual, Theoretical and Practical Discussions, Fuat Aksu and Helin Sarı Ertem (Eds.), (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017): 38-57.
Introduction
In this chapter I will assess the neoclassical realist research agenda by critically focusing on the promises and limits of its basic claims, insights and explanations. Before looking at its contributions to IR theory and specifically foreign policy analysis and its limits, I will briefly touch upon neorealism from which neoclassical realism draws its basic premises and on the basis of that it develops the conceptual framework for foreign policy analysis. Then I will elaborate on the basic assumptions, arguments and concepts through which neoclassical realism develops its theoretical and conceptual horizon regarding international politics, the state and foreign policy. The chapter will then go on to identify the limits and problems embedded in neoclassical realism by critically engaging with its basic premises and assumptions which to a large extent come from the realist tradition.
Introduction
This chapter claims that the concept of a “dispute” refers to a verbal disagreement among different parties on a certain issue. Conflict, on the other hand, refers to the phase in which any of the parties of a dispute carries the verbal dispute to such a level that involves action. In other words, a phase of conflict refers to a situation where at least one of the parties defends its views with action with the aim of changing the conditions to its own advantage.
Insights of the Mavi Marmara Confrontation: Analysing the Turkish Crisis Management Process*
Introduction
The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief (IHH) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) founded in Istanbul, Turkey in 1995. In addition to its relief organizations to various other countries, such as Bosnia Herzegovina, the IHH planned to provide humanitarian aid in 2010 this time to the people of Gaza in Palestine despite the Israeli blockade in the region. This aid organization was to be realized by sea with the involvement of many other national and international relief organizations. The aid convoy was called ‘Freedom Flotilla of Gaza’ and comprised of eight ships. However, the flotilla was attacked by the Israeli armed forces within the international waters while being under way in the Mediterranean. During the raid by the Israeli soldiers in the Mavi Marmara, nine activists were killed and many were injured.[1] The ships in the flotilla were moored in the Port of Ashdod in Israel.
